Prince Norodom Sihanouk's triumphant 1955 Sangkum Reastr Niyum was ruthlessly consolidated
in the elections of 1958 and 1962 - polls to which Steven Heder now turns
his attention, in the third part of his series.
Three more elections were held before those of 1966, which preceded the overthrow
of Sihanouk in 1970. The elections of 1958 and 1962 completed the triumph of 1955,
but those of 1966 set the scene for the Prince's fall. The elections of 1958 were
used by Sihanouk to install a hand-picked group of delegates chosen from circles
then enjoying his favor. Further pressure on the Democrats brought about the dissolution
of the remnant party on the eve of the 1958 voting. To make sure of again creating
the appearance of overwhelming popular support for him and his policies, the Prince
and his security forces also used the campaign period for multi-faceted repression
of the residual legal activity by the Pracheachun group, which was able to put up
only a handful of candidates. The elections of 1962 brought about the final destruction
of the Pracheachun, which collapsed without fielding any candidates. This confirmed
that the only possible route into parliament for someone who was unhappy with how
Cambodia was being run was via membership in the Sangkum.
The 1958 elections
By 1956, the provisional Central Committee of the Cambodian Communist movement was,
according to a later offical history, "foundering" due, among other things,
to a weakening of revolutionary fervor on the part of its secretary, Siev Heng. His
deputy, Tou Samuth, formally became chairman of a four-man committee responsible
for covert and overt Communist activites in urban areas, including parliamentary
and journalistic struggle. Two of its members were almost certainly Pol Pot and Nuon
Chea. Under its aegis, Kaev Meah and Non Suon endeavored to resume publication of
party-controlled newspapers starting in 1956 with a view to revitalizing overt legal
struggle, despite the results of the 1955 elections. And Ieng Sary, recently returned
from France, pushed strongly for parliamentary and political struggle, arguing against
several senior veterans of the armed struggle who favored a return to violence. Ieng
Sary responded that violence would mean a return to reliance on Vietnamese support,
and thus Vietnamese domination of the Cambodian Communist movement, which had only
just receded as the result of the withdrawal of the last covert Vietnamese "advisers"
in 1956. As a result of such an emphasis on legal work, the number of Communist-controlled
newspapers was increased with the approach of the prospect of new elections, which
in the normal course of events would have been held in 1959. Those published included
a reborn Pracheachun plus several new outlets: Meatophum (Motherland), Kammakar (Worker),
Mittapheap (Friendship) and Kapheap. The latter three were created on instructions
from Pol Pot, who was evidently continuing to act as the link between Tou Samuth
and the Pracheachun group. By 1958, these newspapers enjoyed a wide circulation.
In the event, in January 1958, Sihanouk called early elections, and they were held
in March. The snap ballot was precipitated by conflict between the Assemblymen elected
in 1955 and Prime Minister Sim Var, the one-time Democrat and nemesis of the Democrat
radicals in 1955. However, another apparent factor in Sihanouk's decision to hold
elections sooner rather than later was his desire to pre-empt Communist preparations
for the contest. The Prince was also taking advantage of the decision by the Executive
Committee of the Democrat Party in late 1957 to "cease all opposition to Sihanouk
and cooperate with the Sangkum" in the hope of obtaining seats in a future cabinet.
This followed a concerted campaign of harassment earlier in the year which had effectively
destroyed the party and left the Pracheachun group as the only overt political alternative
to the Sangkum. In an article outlining his concept of democracy, published during
the campaign, Sihanouk rebutted suggestions made by "some elements" that
the Sangkum should allow a few opposition representatives to win seats in the Assembly.
He declared that the will of the people must be respected, and that all of them wanted
a complete Sangkum victory. Within this context, Sihanouk used the new elections
as an opportunity to replace figures chosen by the elements who had organized the
Sangkum on his behalf in 1955 with figures he chose himself to run, he hoped, unopposed.
In this sense, the polls were merely a royal coup from above within the ranks of
the ruling Sangkum. To ensure the proper result, the Sangkum leadership was replaced,
Sihanouk himself vetted the candidate lists, and an election government in which
former Democrats played a significant role was formed to oversee the balloting and
counting processes. The Prince also used the elections as an opportunity to launch
a re-intensified campaign against the communist movement in Cambodia. As one historian
has put it, "he became preoccupied with suppressing communism in Cambodia, and
the elections of 1958 were fought on anti-communist lines." At a Sangkum congress
in January, Sihanouk appeared to be obsessed with a communist threat to his rule
and determined to cower the Pracheachun group into the same stance of inaction and
silence as that recently adopted by the Democrats. He complained that it was "stirring
up resentment among ordinary people" against voting for its candidates, stressing
in particular that workers and laborers should not be fooled into supporting it.
The Minister of Labor responded to his pronouncements by organizing an anti-communist
demonstration of laborers and office workers in Phnom Penh, while the governors of
Kampot and Takeo responded by arresting Pracheachun group members for "propaganda
activities". In three articles on communism in Cambodia published before the
elections, the Prince asserted that Cambodian communists were dependent on Vietnam
and that communism was unfeasible for Cambodian society. Sangkum electoral propaganda
became increasingly anti-Prach-eachun, and during the last week of the campaign it
focused on characterizing its members as enemies of the Cambodian people and servants
of foreign interests.
Pracheachun candidates for the 1958 elections were selected by Kaev Meah and Non
Suon, who also formulated the group's "immediate political program" for
the occasion. Only five candidates were put forward by the deadline for registration
in late February. They included Kaev Meah himself,who stood in Phnom Penh, with the
others set to stand in Kampot, Battambang, Svay Rieng and Takeo. This slate was many
fewer than the 20 to 30 candidates the group was originally expected to run. This
reduced electoral effort was apparently in part a reflection of discouragement within
the party ranks about the possibilities for political gain via the parliamentary
road in view of what had happened in 1955 and since. As one cadre involved later
put it, Sihanouk's intimidation in 1955 had "demoralized a number of revolutionaries",
as a result of which some of them had ceased political activities even in areas where
the party seemed to have significant potential. This cadre also wrote that although
"the Pracheachun group had a number of candidates standing again" in 1958,
the perspective among those who had lost heart remained negative. This resulted in
opposition to Pracheachun group participation in the elections and defiance of instructions
from "the Party" - presumably emanating from Tou Samuth and conveyed by
Pol Pot - to "agitate the masses to support the candidates". Early Pracheachun
campaigning activities were limited to the distribution of leaflets in Svay Rieng
and Prey Veng provinces. Later, while avoiding open campaign rallies, it engaged
in house-to-house campaigning in some areas. Sihanouk himself visited the districts
in Kampot and Takeo where it was feared Pracheachun group candidates might run relatively
strongly, and launched vigorous verbal attacks on them. Meanwhile, in Svay Rieng,
more than 200 police officers and members of the Sangkum youth wing were assigned
to follow the Pracheachun candidate around, and the official press mooted threats
to deploy police in Kampot to conduct the kind of intimidation against the communists
that had been used successfully there in 1955, supposedly in the name of ensuring
"full liberty of vote". Government authorities reportedly seized on technicalities
to refuse to issue voting cards to known Pracheachun sympathisers. In the end, all
Pracheachun candidates except Kaev Meah effectively withdrew from the contest. Meanwhile,
the closely monitored communist media had been compelled to tread a fine line between
agitating the masses to support Pracheachun candidates and praising the Prince. For
example, shortly before the elections, a Kapheap editorial urged people to "give
their support without reserve to the candidates who have no connections with the
imperialists'", but pleaded that such advice "must not be interpreted as
a refusal on our part to accord complete confidence" in Sihanouk. In general,
the media professed to support Sihanouk and Sihanouk policies against the "tactics
of division employed by the imperialists", while urging voters to discuss candidates'
qualifications and vote for the best of them "without distinction as to political
parties". Pracheachun candidates were caught in the same bind. Before he withdrew,
the group's man standing in Battambang claimed to be running as a member both of
the Pracheachun and the Sangkum with Sihanouk's full support.
The vote count gave Kaev Meah 396 votes, while the Pracheachun candidate in Kampot
was credited with having received 13 votes "by mistake" because ballots
for the group were made available to voters despite the absence of any group representative.
While the 1958 elections shut the Pracheachun group out more than ever before from
the possibility of engaging in overt and legal political struggle, Sihanouk's selection
of "intellectual" personalities considered to be "known leftists"
as Assembly members opened another possible channel of influence for the communist
movement in the assembly. These included the former Democrat and future Communist
Party member Hu Nim. They also included the one-time member of the Parisian "Marxist
Circle" Hou Youn, an independent-minded Marxian political analyst and activist,
who would later become a member of the communist Youth League but never a full-fledged
party member.
The 1962 elections
The only possible route into parliament for someone who was unhappy with how Cambodia
was being run was via membership in [Prince Sihanouk's] Sangkum.
Like previous contests, the 1962 elections were less an opportunity for the expression
of opposition views or organization of opposition activites than for the intensified
repression of both. The Democrats having already been destroyed, the Pracheachon
now felt the full brunt of Sihanouk's repression. It indeed appears that the 1962
elections were not only the occasion but the reason for repression by Sihanouk and
his security forces that constituted the final coup de grace for the Pracheachun
Group. They were also followed by a very serious blow against the covert communist
party that was reorganized at a congress in September 1960, at which Tou Samuth became
Party Secretary, Nuon Chea Deputy Secretary and Pol Pot an "under-secretary"
and the third-ranked party figure in its day-to-day leadership body, the Standing
Committee. It appears that these three men had increasingly dominated Party affairs
in the late1950s, particularly after Siev Heng, the secretary of the provisional
Central Committee formed in 1954, finally gave up revolutionary activity and started
cooperating with the security forces. Thereafter, Tou Samuth's Party Committee in
charge of urban and overt work had become "the committee in charge of... general
affairs" for its activities throughout the country. Since 1957, its members
had been involved in preparations to hold a Party congress, including drafting statutes
and key policy documents, and had become increasingly predominant in this process.
Moreover, Tou Samuth, Nuon Chea and Pol Pot formed a "Party Purge Committee"
in which the latter played the most active role in ridding the party of what the
three saw as unreliable elements, and otherwise "rectifying" its composition
in preparation for the Congress. The Congress did not reject in principle further
participation in parliamentary struggle or mass media work. Indeed, according to
Pol Pot, the stance adopted was that "the parliamentary struggle was a struggle
in which the Party must engage", and that "the newspaper struggle was a
struggle to stir up mass public opinion immensely and broadly". They were part
of the open and legal forms of struggle which the Party had to conduct, although
they were secondary and subordinate to covert and illegal organization of the peasantry
in order to overthrow the existing regime with "revolutionary political violence
and revolutionary armed violence".
In the meantime, many Party organs in urban areas and some in rural areas continued
to be tasked to lead "the people in the struggle against the enemy secretly
or overtly" in the up-coming elections, just as in 1955 and 1958. In late 1961
the Pracheachun Group received instructions from Tou Samuth via the underground Communist
municipal party committee about the program it should adopt in relation to this struggle,
and Kaev Meah and Non Suon held meetings with three other potential candidates to
discuss campaign activities. By this time, however, Sihanouk was already well into
a campaign to villify the Pracheachun. At a special Sangkum national congress session,
he had openly intimidated Non Suon, who was surrounded by several thousand jeering
supporters of the Sangkum who threatened to assault him. In January 1962, Sihanouk
announced that the elections would be held in March. Wholesale and highly public
suppression of the Pracheachun Group and other Party organizations involved in overt
or covert preparations for them came almost simultaneously. Sihanouk revealed the
arrest of 14 Pracheachun activists in Kampong Cham province, who he claimed were
in possession of documents revealing a plan for general subversion. He threatened
to have them shot. Meanwhile, Non Suon and the Pracheachun newspaper editor Chou
Chet were detained, and more arrests of alleged Group operatives were carried out
in Prey Veng and Svay Rieng provinces. Responding in what appears to have been a
state of some panic to the arrests, the Pracheachun newspaper asserted that what
had happened in Kampong Cham was the result of "fabrications" by US imperialism
aimed at destroying national solidarity, and said that the 14 were US agents. In
its assessment of the crackdown, the US Embassy commented that the "coincidence
between the forthcoming elections and discovery of a juicy plot formented by the
only recognized oppostion to the Sangkum appears a little too convenient", adding
that "despite considerable public noise on [the alleged] plot, no details have...
been published". It characterized the arrests as part of a "campaign to
whip up issues and interest" in the elections, and noted that the intensified
pressure on the left had achieved the result of engendering a "cringing tone"
in the "leftist press". Thus, while Sihanouk continued to attack the Pracheachun
group and characterize it and all other political party-type organizations as "traitors"
in speeches in the provinces calling on people to vote for Sangkum candidates, Pracheachun
newspaper continued to deny that the Pracheachun group had ever opposed the government
right up to the time that it suspended publication in February. In fact, the arrests
in Kampong Cham were the result of intensified police surveillance of the Pracheachun
group and its communications with the underground party leadership and with covert
rural organizations. Those detained were part of a district Party network, and under
interrogation they told police that they had held a meeting under Non Suon's leadership
to prepare for elections in the province. This precipitated Non Suon's detention.
Despite the repression, the Pracheachun group was reportedly still planning in early
March to run four or five candidates in the elections, but there was little manifestation
of real activity by it. The election date, meanwhile, was delayed until June, and
the deadline for registration of candidates and the date for the official commencement
of campaigning activities by candidates were set for April. As the date approached,
the police arrested the editor of the Communist-dominated Panhcha (Five Pillars)
newspaper, which then ceased publication. While proceeding toward prosecution of
Non Suon and the Kampong Cham detainees, the government tried and sentenced the editor.
This was clearly done to maintain pressure on the communist movement while at the
same time removing this symbol of overt opposition on the eve of the electoral period.
Finally, taking no chances, the Ministry of Interior reapportioned electoral districts
to ensure that Phnom Penh was under-represented. This would minimize the impact if
the Pracheachun managed to repeat its 1958 feat of getting a significant number of
votes there. In the end, the date for registration of candidates passed without anyone
from the Pracheachun group coming forward. Two weeks later, a special military tribunal
sentenced Non Suon and the 14 people arrested in Kampong Cham in early January to
death for "assembly with treasonous intent". It appears that the sentence
was imposed at Sihanouk's bidding to provide an object lesson to anyone considering
open opposition during the remainder of the election period, although it was commuted
after the election. As the US Embassy reported, "the failure of [the Pracheachun
group] to put forth candidates [was] not surprising, given [the] intensive campaign
against [it] in recent months." The group itself said it had not participated
because of the "difficult situation" and because it did not want to "play
into the hands"of the "imperialists". Ten years later, Non Suon declared
more forthrightly in a public statement that "the Pracheachun group was compelled
as of 1962 to halt its activities" because Sihanouk's security forces had "arrested,
tortured, secretly killed and liquidated" its members and "many other genuinely
progressive persons and patriots". It appears that the decision to reverse the
Communist position and put forward no Pracheachun candidates was made by Tou Samuth
in March or April, after he returned to Cambodia from a visit to Hanoi, where he
seems to have gone in the latter part of 1961. While he was away, Pol Pot was the
top Communist leader inside the country because in 1961 he had become its Deputy
Secretary, thus displacing Nuon Chea from the post. He was well-placed to observe
the setbacks inflicted on his old Pracheachun contacts and the threat of further
repression if the KWP continued to expose its cadre via overt and legal work. Pol
Pot probably concurred in Tou Samuth's decision, and may even have urged withdrawal.
In any case, once back in Cambodia, Tou Samuth reportedly sent a message to the Pracheachun
group, which was later obtained by Sihanouk's intelligence services. According to
a paraphrase made public by the Prince after the elections, part of the message read:
"In the upcoming elections, there is no need for us to present candidates, since
the results of these elections are known in advance and cannot evidence the power
of our movement, given the fact that the people are undergoing the oppression of
Sihanouk's police and army and will be unable to clearly demonstrate their support.
Our interest, therefore, is to make the confidence of the young intellectuals who
sympathize with our movement, who have been successful in introducing themselves
into the Sangkum and who will be chosen to be their 'deputies'." Even before
this document fell into his hands, Sihanouk had begun turning his fire on those whom
he described as subversive infiltrators among the Sangkum ranks, above all the "leftist
intellectuals". Before the election campaign began, he had delivered ultimatums
aimed at "leftist deputies" in the old Assembly like Hou Youn and Hu Nim
to close ranks and cease criticisms of Sangkum failings. One French language journal
associated with them responded by printing grovelling editorials and affirming loyalty
to the Sangkum and to Sihanouk. Almost all "leftist intellectuals" quickly
censored their critiques of the regime. Hou Youn was an exception, but only for the
time being. As opening day of the campaign approached, Sihanouk again warned "intellectuals"
against opposition activities, and a senior Sangkum official proclaimed that demanded
that they make individual public professions of political loyalty. This produced
a cascade of petitions from them, and at a public meeting at the end of the month,
Hou Youn and other leftist members of the Assembly appeared to be competing with
each other for Sihanouk's approval. The procedure for the selection of Sangkum candidates
had been laid out in late March. Sihanouk announced that he and the Sangkum Central
Committee would choose one Sangkum candidate for each seat after consultations with
provincial Sangkum organizations. The candidate list was made public in mid-April,
and included a mix of "leftist" and "rightist" figures. The public
obsequiousness of the "leftists" had evidently succeeded in keeping them
on the list and thus eligible for Assembly membership. Sihanouk now began touring
the provinces urging people to vote for the candidates he had chosen, and the candidates
themselves began preparing to campaign in their respective districts. With the Sangkum
running unopposed, the state apparatus was geared up to try to obtain a large voter
turn-out despite evident popular disinterest in the elections. In the event, a turn-out
of more than 90% was claimed, with votes for individual candidates reported as ranging
between 76% and 100% and most candiates about the 90% mark. The rapidity with which
the results were published was characterized by observers as "being too good
to be true". Although the 1962 ballot showed just how impossible it was for
Communists to gain access to the Assembly from outside the Sangkum, the situation
indeed suggested it still might be possible for it to infiltrate the Assembly and
even the state from the inside. Thus, in accordance with the path recommended by
Tou Samuth, it might be possible to recruit elected officials and even government
officials into the party and have them pursue its goals inside the assembly and inside
the state. However, before this potential could be realized, the party secretary
was secretly killed on 27 July 1962. The perpetrators of his murder have never been
definitively identified. One set of circumstantial evidence suggests that the party
purge process which he had begun together with Nuon Chea and Pol Pot had ended for
Tou Samuth when Pol Pot decided to get rid of his long-time mentor and seize the
top Party job for himself, perhaps because the two men disagreed about how the Communists
should relate to the Vietnamese communist movement. Other evidence suggests that
he was killed by elements of Lon Nol's security forces, probably acting on the basis
of information from his predecessor Siev Heng and perhaps also information obtained
during the repression of the Pracheachun group earlier in the year. On balance, the
latter conclusion seems more plausible. Tou Samuth's death can thus be seen as the
crowning blow in the campaign against communism for which the 1962 elections were
the occasion. Among the National Assembly members with whom the Party could work
after Tou Samuth's death were the re-elected Hu Nim and Hou Youn. There was also
a prominent newcomer, Khieu Samphan, the only one to survive Pol Pot-directed purges
when the Communist Party was in power. After earning a doctorate in economics in
France, Khieu Samphan had returned to Cambodia in mid-1959. Instead of going into
government service, as was expected of degree-holding intellectuals, he had opened
a French-language newspaper, l'Observateur. His doctoral dissertation was a reformist
document, and he has insisted that it was a personal project which had nothing to
do with communist party activities. His newspaper, however, was reportedly the result
of an initiative of the urban wing of the Communist movement, and specifically of
Pol Pot. This was apparently the beginning of a relationship between the two men
which eventually resulted in Khieu Samphan's seemingly total subordination to Pol
Pot's political will. The newspaper was closed after Khieu Samphan was assaulted
and detained in 1960 along with the editors of several Khmer-language papers controlled
by the Communists. He was released just before its secret 1960 congress. After much
prodding from Sihanouk during 1961, he had agreed to run as a candidate in the 1962
elections. Hou Youn and Hu Nim had held posts as secretaries or under secretaries
of state in four successive Sangkum governments formed after the 1958 elections,
and although they had been excluded from the cabinet since 1960, their prospects
for such office were good after the 1962 ballot. They became members of the immediate
post-election cabinet, and in October they were joined in the next one by Khieu Samphan.
However, by mid-1963, the three were all out of office, having been dismissed or
put into positions giving little choice but resignation. They nevertheless remained
in the Assembly and were able to continue political activities.
By 1964, Khieu Samphan is quoted as privately counselling fellow intellectuals to
adopt the Marxist-Leninist approach rather than the reformist approach to political
change. It may be that he had by this time already been enrolled in the Communist
organization. However, Pol Pot's emphasis on the primacy of preparations for violent
rural revolution prompted him and other senior Communist leaders to leave Phnom Penh
for the safety of Vietnam in 1963 in the face of what they saw as implicit threats
by Sihanouk and his security forces that they were about to be arrested or killed.
Ieng Sary argued against the move, and the over-all Party consensus did not reject
continued use of parliamentary struggle. Indeed, Nuon Chea remained mostly in Phnom
Penh to help oversee such activities, among others. However, while taking advantage
of the sanctuary offered by theVietnamese Communists, Pol Pot dreamed of breaking
loose to create conditions for a peasant uprising under Communist leadership.
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